Wednesday, July 18, 2007

Shekhawat's Sinister Soliloquy

It is hard to believe this man has been the Vice-President of India and is the darling of a huge segment of the NRI population in the U.S. How does a political party in a pluralistic society like India support the candidacy of a person for Presidency with such a dubious background? While Indians live and earn globally and enjoy freedom and justice especially in the developed world, why these NRIs are cozying upto him? The same people who cry foul at the slightest discrimination at their adopted lands, care very little about the gross injustices perpetrated against minorities, Dalits and women back in their homeland?
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Shekhawat's Sinister Soliloquy

Kavita Srivastava in Jaipur profiles Hindutva veteran Bhairon SinghShekhawat and discovers that he might pose to be secular and clean,but come what may, a leopard does not change his spotsHe might be adored by the Hindutva forces, but for large sections ofprogressive and liberal forces in largely feudal Rajasthan, BhaironSingh Shekhawat, with his ardent RSS and BJP lineage, was an anti-democratic, anti-poor, anti-women, anti-minorities and anti-Dalitchief minister. It comes as no surprise in the manner in which heand his crafty colleagues in the Sangh Parivar have crafted thecampaign of demonising UPA presidential candidate Pratibha Patil,while painting himself as a `secular' saint and a man of highintegrity and impeccable honesty.Bhairon Singh was chief minister in Rajasthan thrice since the1970s. Between 1977-80 after Emergency, during 1990-92, in thebackdrop of the build-up to the demolition of the Babri Masjid inAyodhya, and after the BJP came back to power again (December 1993to December 1998). His career since the mid-1940s, when he was apoliceman in the erstwhile Sikar state, was smeared with allegationsof corruption. It is widely known that his allegiance during thefreedom movement was rather dubious, and even later, in the `land tothe tiller' movement, he aligned with the jagirs. As a politicianand chief minister, he has a proven track record of being anti-Dalit, anti-women and anti-minority.Let us begin with one of his worst atrocities committed during theend of his tenure as chief minister in 1998, which consisted ofrepeated misuse of state power and violation of civil liberties.Anti-women and civil liberties: More than eight cases were filedagainst Alice Garg, her daughters, her son-in-law and her fellowworkers -- a total of 23 people -- in 1998 in the aftermath of thestruggle led by women's groups on the question of violence againstwomen. The campaign led by these groups, along with some otherfactors, had already resulted in the political debacle of the BJP inthe parliamentary elections. Therefore, it had become imperative todestroy the morale of the campaign. Hence Alice Garg, who was one ofthe core members of the campaign, was made a target and all kinds ofcases including misappropriation of funds and collusion in `rape' ofworkers of the Bal Rashmi Society (that seemed to have taken placefive/six years ago) were filed against her. So heavy was the hand ofthe State on Alice that they effectively destroyed her years ofdedicated work as a social worker for the last 30 years in Jaipur.Her organisation, the Bal Rashmi Society, and her self respect andconfidence, was systematically run down.According to one senior police officer who finally looked into thesecases after the Congress government took over, the art of makingfalse cases should perhaps be learnt from Bhairon Singh who in histenure as a sub inspector in the late 1940s for the Sikar state wasallegedly known for harassing his opponents by using a web of falsecases.Bhairon Singh's stand against social activist Bhanwari Devi, whenshe raised the issue of her gang-rape, is well known in Rajasthan.Bhanwari Devi was raped and brutally assaulted because she, asa `saathin', campaigned against child marriage. Instead ofsupporting someone who had broken the typically stereotyped `femalesilence' on rape, he, instead, reportedly called her one day andsaid that he had enough `police acumen' to distinguish an honestperson from a liar and that she was basically lying. He alsoapparently said that he knew how truth can be converted into liesand lies into truth.With such prejudiced presumption of the highest authority of thegovernment, how could the police machinery ever have investigatedanything in the matter? It was thus a long battle of getting thecase transferred to the CBI that led to the case leading to achargesheet. All through the case, the local police never supportedBhanwari when she was ostracised and harassed in the village by thedominant community. And finally, after the acquittal of the accusedin 1995 November, Bhairon Singh allowed the infamous anti-BhanwariDevi rally in Jaipur by BJP MLAs with public slogans and speechesabusing Bhanwari; she was openly called a prostitute and it was alsoannounced that she should be tied to a stake and burnt alive. Whensenior citizens of Rajasthan and women's groups met the chiefminister and appealed to him that he should book the people whopublicly spoke like this, his answer was categorical: this is ademocracy and everybody has the right to speak the way they wished.From May 1996 to 1998, when women's groups campaigned hard to exposecases of atrocities against women in the state, the response of thechief minister was always either so ambiguous or dubious thatfinally it became a kind of complicity with the accused. Whether itwas the hostel rape case or rape by a certain Jain muni in Bhinmal,the responses seemed identical. In the latter case, the chiefminister suspended the superintendent of police who recommended thearrest of the Jain muni; in the hostel rape case, had it not beenfor public pressure, none of the accused would have been arrested.The entire campaign showed that incidents of rape had increased morethan seven times since 1990 in Rajasthan. Instead of responding tothe issue of women's security or the setting up of a women'scommission or a human rights commission, Bhairon Singh set upthe `first commission' for the in the country.Obviously, women, in his scheme of things, had a status well belowthat of cows.Anti-poor, anti-transparency, anti-democracy: The poor in the statehad to continuously struggle for issues like wages, jobs andretrenchment. However, what was significant was that when the poorfrom central Rajasthan under the leadership of the Mazdoor KisanSangharsh Samiti (MKSS) raised the issue of transparency and theright to information with regard to bills, vouchers and musterrolls, Bhairon Singh termed them as secret documents. He said thatthey just can't be made available. The history of long dharnas andsit-ins in Beawar, Jaipur and other district headquarters did notbother him one bit. People sat for more than 50 days in Jaipur and40 days in Beawar, but people's voices did not matter to him. Evenafter making announcements in the Vidhan Sabha that he would `give'the right to information, he refused to comply by it. He even wentto the extent of terming secret the report of the committee that wasset on this issue of making transparent bills and vouchers.It is clear that he seemed reluctant to crack down on themisappropriation of public funds that were being used as electionfunds by local netas; besides, he wanted to protect the bureaucracycome what may, despite the apparent insinuations.Anti-Muslim and anti-Christian: He was the leader of the BJP inRajasthan in 1989. He rode the crest of victory on brazenly rightwing politics. He led the entire `shila pujan' campaign in thestate. After all, Rajasthan sent the largest number of shilas toAyodhya. The `shila pujan' campaign resulted in the first ever riotin Jaipur in 1989. The particular brand of xenophobic politics ofthe BJP under the RSS/VHP and his leadership had also resulted inthe Kota riots in 1989 resulting in 14 people's deaths and scores ofinjury. Bhairon Singh shelved the investigation file of the Kotariots for nine years. It was only after the Congress came to powerthat the chargesheets were filed.When LK Advani came to Jaipur during his infamous `rath yatra' in1990, it was Bhairon Singh who introduced him in the public meetingsthat took place in Jaipur and elsewhere. The Jaipur public meetinghad him flex his muscles saying that there was nostopping `Advaniji'. Bhairon Singh challenged the chief minister ofUP that he dare stop the yatra, or else there would be major unrestin the country. This was bad news in any case, even while the rathyatra led to major incidents of communal violence across thecountry, especially after the Babri Masjid demolition.Jaipur had one of its worst riots in 1990 when more than 56 peopledied in the city and there was massive exodus of Muslims back intothe walled city in Muslim ghettos. Bhairon Singh announced acommission which indicted the government but the report was nevermade public. Post Babri masjid demolition in December 1992, Jaipur,other cities like Beawar, witnessed terrible violence.While the BJP government was removed after the demolition in 1992,it came back to power in December 1993. Soon after, the misuse ofTADA became transparently partisan and brazen against the Muslims:all the 250 TADA detainees happened to be Muslims, along with oneSikh.In 1997, Bhairon Singh let the Jaipur police fire at protestingMuslims on the Kabristan issue. Six Muslims were killed and 40injured. He also supported his home minister for his statement thatthe Muslims deserved it.In south Rajasthan in Banswara, Bhairon Singh ignored the continuousprotests by Christians against relentless atrocities of the BanvasiKalyan Parishad and other Sangh Parivar outfits. It was the NationalHuman Rights Commission who took cognisance of more than 25 cases ofattacks on the Christians and sent a notice to the government ofRajasthan.The worst killings of Dalits happened in Kumher, Bharatpur in 1992June. More than 35 Dalits were killed although the BJP governmentmaintained that the death-count was only 17. This was the worst-evercarnage of Dalits of Rajasthan in independent India.Post Godhra killings and Gujarat Genocide: Bhairon Singh was theleader of opposition in Rajasthan when the Godhra killings happened,followed by state-sponsored genocide organised by the Sangh Parivarunder the leadership of Chief Minister Narendra Modi. In a publicmeeting in Gangapur, Karauli district, in April 2002, after thekilling of three people in Rajasthant, Bhairon Singh madeprovocative speeches. Will Rajasthan also repeat Gujarat? That wasthe phobia which stalked the state at that time.The message of the story is simple: come what may, a leopard doesnot change his spots: a Sangh Parivar `Sanghi' is a communalfundamentalist in essence and reality. Despite the secular package-deal, which is a pack of lies.The writer is General Secreatary, PUCL, Rajasthan. The viewsexpressed here are her own

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